The uniqueness of the Indian Regional Navigation Satellite System (IRNSS) is to have a system with satellites in the geostationary orbit. India needs to exploit the ‘regional nature’ of the IRNSS to the fullest and effectively engage various states from Africa, Asia and Oceania region by using ‘satellite navigation diplomacy’.
It would appear that India accorded preponderance to the broader interests of national sovereignty before its final stand on the UNHRC resolution. But it also cannot be oblivious to the likelihood of parallels being drawn in the future by some countries inimical to India.
This work reviews the significance and progress of Strategic Economic Dialogue (SED) in India-China relations. But addressing macroeconomic subject matters that concern the two countries’ strategic interests requires methodological deliberations that must be balanced and nuanced. The SED needs to be upgraded to a level of equal deliberation mechanism, where Beijing must address India’s economic and strategic concerns.
If we have no qualms about importing from other countries why cannot we buy ammunition from our own private sector companies? While restrictions could apply to production of small arms and ammunition, for large calibre arms and ammunition there is a case for permitting the private sector companies to chip in.
The verdict exposes a conspiracy to destabilise India’s restive North Eastern region. According to the charge-sheet, all the arms and ammunition were manufactured by Chinese firm NORINCO and the funds had been procured from Pakistan. Contrary to the BNP policy of promoting cross-border terrorism, the current Awami League (AL) government has demonstrated its zero-tolerance towards militancy through the recent verdict.
India is trying to deal with its domestic energy concerns through various measures including reforming its New Exploration and Licensing Policy (NELP), intensifying its efforts in developing domestic unconventional energy resources and diversifying its crude imports. In this regard Japan’s support holds special importance.
In the years to come, a lot more activity on nuclear security can be expected and much of it will arise from the commitment taken by states at the three nuclear security summits and the voluntary pledges undertaken by different countries. A good deal of pressure from civil society and think tanks on nuclear security issues can be expected.
At its core is Beijing’s fear of having a chief executive in Hong Kong who is locally popular and vocally critical about Beijing's policies. Fear perhaps also emanate from Beijing’s concerns of spillover effects on the mainland if a full-fledged democracy in Hong Kong were to succeed since at home the CCP continues to grapple with the problems of corruption, inequality and inflation.
There are no properly functioning Asian security institutions or regimes to regulate Asia’s nuclear politics and has to rely on global institutions and regimes for regulation of its nuclear politics and management of nuclear order. Treaties like the NPT are struggling to provide stability in the world as in Asia.
Jeeram Ghati area is part of the Maoist's annual Tactical Counter Offensive Campaign. 2014 is a significant year on two counts: one, it is the tenth year of formation of CPI (Maoist) that requires a show of its strength and lethal prowess, and two, that general elections, scheduled in April-May, need to be disrupted. It, therefore, does pose a serious challenge to the security forces in the immediate future.