Journal of Defence Studies

Defence Diplomacy through the Prism of Soft Power: US–India Defence Partnership

India’s Defence Minister, Rajnath Singh’s mention of the term ‘Defence Diplomacy’ (DD) during his address at the Commander’s conference in April 2024,1 and its discussion in the Indian Defence Diplomacy: A Handbook published by India’s premier Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (MP-IDSA) in 2021,2 underscore its increasing traction in New Delhi’s policy circles. Even earlier in 2020, India’s External Affairs Minister, Dr S. Jaishankar had chosen to speak on the relationship between defence and diplomacy at the Second Manohar Parrikar Memorial Lecture.

Guiding Principles of Indo-US Strategic Partnership: Strategic Autonomy or Strategic Interest?

The Indo-US strategic partnership has been a long project that is soon going to be a quarter of a century old. While the Kickleighter Proposal of 1991 sowed the seeds of this partnership, their germination began with the March 2000 visit to India by the US President Bill Clinton. From 1991 till Clinton’s visit, there were good beginnings and unexpected pitfalls that prevented the growth of the strategic partnership. The most serious pitfall was, of course, India’s decision to go nuclear in 1998, and the Clinton Administration’s resolve to impose sanctions on India.

The Race for Tech Supremacy between US and China: Implications for the World, US and India

The unravelling race for tech supremacy, as a microcosm of the macro trade war between US and China, can be depicted as Tech Race 2.0. In some ways, this is akin to the Space Race that unfolded between the US and the erstwhile USSR in the 1950s and 1960s, which eventually turned in favour of the US, given its fundamentals being firmly grounded in democracy, freedom of speech and robust innovation and business ecosystems. Since China shares some of the key elements that the Soviet Union had, it is likely that history can be repeated provided the US is fully aware of the challenges emanating from China and takes necessary steps by investing in the state-of-the-art technologies. The implications of the US losing the race could be far-reaching not only for the US, but also for the entire global order built on the liberal principles and values. The same is applicable for India since it shares a border with China and the border conflict continues to persist. Therefore, it is imperative to save the global community from the dangers of authoritarian leaders and countries winning the race.

Balancing Strategic Partnerships and Sovereignty: The Impact of Technology Transfer Concerns on India–US Defence Cooperation

India–US defence cooperation has grown significantly, driven by shared interests in the Indo-Pacific region. However, technology transfer remains problematic due to India’s focus on strategic autonomy and US concerns over intellectual property and export controls. This article investigates the same within the context of Defence Technology and Trade Initiative (DTTI), exploring how technology transfer concerns affect joint defence efforts and the development of advanced military system. It also examines US regulatory restrictions, such as International Traffic in Arms Regulations (ITAR), and their impact on technology sharing. Additionally, the article considers India’s ‘Make in India’ and ‘Atmanirbhar Bharat’ initiatives, which sometimes conflict with US technology protection expectations. The article suggests solutions, including flexible bilateral agreements and enhanced trust-building, to balance strategic partnerships with national sovereignty, aiming to resolve technology transfer issues and maximise the potential of India–US defence collaboration in the Indo-Pacific region.

India–US Defence Cooperation: Opportunity to Achieve Technological Superiority for Indian Armed Forces

Over the years, India has set up comprehensive infrastructure for the manufacture of defence equipment. Although considerable growth has taken place in indigenous capabilities, India is largely dependent on foreign technologies for the high-tech equipment. However, despite Transfer of Technology from foreign countries, the development of indigenous technologies has met with limited success. In the last two decades, India’s relations with the US have become stronger and India has been designated by the US as a ‘Major Defence Partner’. There have been a number of agreements between the two countries for collaborations in various fields including defence technologies, with iCET being the most promising initiative. This provides India with an excellent opportunity to achieve technological excellence with collaboration and co-development with the US. However, there are many challenges which may be an impediment to such development. This article examines India’s need for technology transfer, track record of technology transfers from the US, analyses the current agreements, identifies opportunities and challenges and recommends a way forward.

Enhancing Interoperability and Strategic Convergence: India–US Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief (HADR) Cooperation in the Indo-Pacific

The strategic partnership between India and the United States has increasingly focussed on joint Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief (HADR) efforts in the Indian Ocean Region. Cemented by India’s 2016 designation as a ‘Major Defence Partner’, this collaboration now includes joint military exercises, port visits and disaster relief missions. Given the Indo- Pacific region’s importance due to its population and key shipping routes, improved military interoperability and logistical coordination are crucial for tackling climate-related disasters. India’s strong HADR capabilities and capacity-building, along with the strategic support of the United States, have enhanced their bilateral and multilateral cooperation, vital for addressing regional challenges and maintaining stability in the Indo-Pacific.

Defending Cyberspace: India–US Joint Efforts Against Cybercrime

This article examines the evolving landscape of cybercrime and emphasises the essential role of international cooperation, particularly between India and the United States (US). Considering the significant economic and national security repercussions of cyber threats such as ransomware attacks, effectively addressing cybercrime requires coordinated, dedicated and concerted efforts from all nations. India and the US are actively engaged in both bilateral and multilateral forums to adequately tackle the diverse and evolving challenges of cybercrime. Despite some limitations in specific areas of cooperation, both countries have remained committed to responding to cybercrime with robust domestic measures and a coordinated global approach to counter criminal syndicates.

Analysing India–US Cooperation in the Context of Changing Nuclear Order

The article aims to analyse the developments and challenges in the India– US defence cooperation in the face of the ongoing decay of the nuclear order. While the defence cooperation has grown manifold, it is pertinent to understand the pathways in which India and the US can cooperate towards building a stable nuclear order. The effort should be to minimise the risk of any accidental nuclear war in the wake of heightened tensions and heated conventional warfare in the current geopolitical landscape, incorporating missile forces, weapons of mass destruction, tactical nuclear weapons, and others. The article begins with an outline of the India–US defence cooperation followed by an understanding of the Indian stance on disarmament and nuclear treaties; the evolution of the India–US nuclear cooperation; an overview of the changing global nuclear order and its impact on the conventional warfare; the perceptions of India and the US on nuclear stability; prospects and challenges in defence cooperation against threats to nuclear stability; and the way forward to cooperate on building deterrence and nuclear stability.

Indo-US Defence Cooperation: Punching Below Its Potential

India–US bilateral relations have witnessed several upheavals over the past seven decades, however, significant shifts in global geopolitics have led to growing proximity between the world’s two largest democracies. This article analyses Indo-US defence cooperation since India’s independence and argues that while the bilateral relationship has the scope and potential to emerge as a powerful and wide-ranging relationship, it is still waiting for its time in the sun. To some extent, this can be attributed to Cold War dynamics, India’s independent pursuit of its strategic programmes and the resultant technology denial regimes put in place by the United States, however both the countries have also failed to capitalise on several opportunities to strengthen their bilateral defence relationship. Thus, while the relationship has immense potential, it has largely been a tale of punching below its potential.

Rahul Manohar Yelwe , Arun Vishwanathan |
January-March 2025 |
Journal of Defence Studies

Customised Defence Agreements: Foundation for a Strong Indo-US Defence Partnership

The defence cooperation between India and the United States has been deepening. This is largely attributed to the signing of four key agreements, namely the General Security of Military Information Agreement (GSOMIA), the Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement (LEMOA), the Communications Compatibility and Security Agreement (COMCASA), and the Basic Exchange and Cooperation Agreement (BECA). Prior to these agreements, arms trade and technology transfers were virtually impossible, as the US Congress had blocked them. Before these deals were inked, India’s major procurements from the US were confined to non-lethal systems, like transport aircraft, heavy lifter helicopters, and maritime patrol aircraft. With the basic agreements in place, there is an increased scope for the US to not only transfer advanced systems and technology to India but also to jointly produce them in India. From the point of view of Washington, this is a major shift, given that earlier not only had US denied its own weapons and advanced technology transfer to India but it also prevented other countries from providing even civilian technology. The belief then was that India could use these technology transfers for its missile development programme, which could possibly prove detrimental to the US’ national interests. Cut to present, there has been a considerable degree of convergence in terms of security interests, and the above-mentioned agreements are well placed to achieve those objectives.