India-Pakistan Relations

Before India once again goes down the path of wondering how it can rescue Pakistan from itself, some home truths about Pakistan – the state and society – need to be understood. The single most important home truth is that Pakistan's hatred for India far outweighs any fear or concern or even loathing it may have about the terrorism and extremism that the Taliban have come to stand for.

• Sushant Sareen
• June 18, 2014
• IDSA Comments

While Nawaz Sharif was careful not to publicly bring up the Kashmir issue, it does not necessarily portend any change in policy. It remains to be seen whether Sharif will be able to cash in on the conciliatory gesture of Prime Minister Modi and assert his own priority of improving relations with India vis-a-vis the hostile elements within his country.

• Sumita Kumar
• May 28, 2014
• IDSA Comments

Invitation to the SAARC leader to attend Prime Minister-elect’s swearing in ceremony has electrified diplomatic atmosphere in South Asia. In this context Pakistani Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif’s visit and his scheduled meeting with the Indian Prime Minister has generated a lot of interest. Given the strong mandate, Mr. Modi is in a strong position to put his stamp on the further evolution of Indo-Pakistan relations right from the beginning of his tenure.

• Smruti S. Pattanaik , Arvind Gupta
• May 25, 2014
• IDSA Comments

A discordant political relationship, three and a half wars and Pakistan’s material support for secessionist militants in the border states of Punjab and Jammu and Kashmir compelled India to harden its international border with Pakistan. An inward-looking economy and the absence of an imperative for regional economic integration also resulted in restricted movement of people and goods across the border. However, in the past decade or so, an emergent Indian economy coupled with both countries’ desire to engage themselves constructively have paved the way for softening the border.

• Pushpita Das
• May 2014
• Strategic Analysis

The next government in Delhi must be open to the idea of grabbing a good deal if one is on offer. But there is no reason for India to go overboard in trying to seal a deal. In other words, if Pakistan desires parity with India, it should not expect ‘magnanimity’ from India, and if it expects ‘magnanimity’, then it should not insist on parity.

• Sushant Sareen
• January 30, 2014
• IDSA Comments

Shorn of its rhetoric, the only tangible outcome discernible from the joint statement is the agreement on staging two flag meetings at the LoC. In fact, there are some questions that need to be asked, for example, why did the situation worsen to the extent that the DGsMO had to meet to affirm their commitment to maintain the sanctity of, and the ceasefire on, the LOC?

• Amit Cowshish
• January 02, 2014
• IDSA Comments

The double-speak of Nawaz Sharif has led many in India to doubt his sincerity on improving relations. Questions are also being raised on whether Sharif is still living in the 1990s when he followed a twin track approach of talks and trade proceeding in parallel with terrorism, something which India finds unacceptable today.

• Sushant Sareen
• October 24, 2013
• IDSA Comments

Though the Pakistan army denies its involvement in raising violence levels along the LoC, the international boundary and in the hinterland, it is understood well that without the active support of the army and the ISI, no serious attempt can be made by the terrorists to infiltrate.

• Gurmeet Kanwal
• October 23, 2013
• IDSA Comments

The New York meeting between the two prime ministers has resulted in some new grounds being broken. Importantly the red lines and ground rules have been drawn thanks to some plain speak by the Indian leaders.

• Sushant Sareen
• October 03, 2013
• IDSA Comments

India’s niche military and intelligence technologies in the field of cyber, space, robotics and jamming can have potential deterrence value and a ‘war minus’ option against Pakistan.

• Ajey Lele
• August 20, 2013
• IDSA Comments