South Asia
About Centre
Members:
South Asia is one of the main areas of research focus at IDSA. The region has been going through a period of turmoil over the last few years. Definitive steps have been taken in the recent past towards the establishment of democratic governments in the region. Given the importance of developments in the region for Indian security, experts at IDSA keenly watch and analyse unfolding developments in each South Asian country.
Two projects that are currently under progress are ‘Developments in Pakistan’ and ‘Pakistan Occupied Kashmir’. In addition, individual scholars are engaged in researching various security related aspects pertaining to South Asian countries. The Centre has established bilateral institutional relations with leading think tanks in the region and proposes to undertake joint studies.
No posts of Books and Monograph.
China's influence in South Asia has significantly grown over the years, and in particular Bangladeshi-Chinese relations are now robust and very comprehensive. This is in contrast to Bangladeshi-Indian relations, which are extremely uneven. While the latter are substantial and not totally negative, in comparison to Bangladeshi-Chinese relations they are riddled with controversies. How does one explain this contrast, especially when China lacks the historic-cultural advantages and linkages that India has with Bangladesh?
Pakistan-Iran relations have been complex and paradoxical. The United States has tried to influence this relationship on various counts, given that Iran is an important foreign policy concern for the United States and Pakistan is an important neighbour of Iran and has been a United States ally in the global war on terrorism. This article explores Pakistan's policy towards Iran and the extent to which the United States has been an influencing factor in this regard.
The Muslims in Sri Lanka have emerged as a key stakeholder in the past decade. Though they have not directly participated in the conflict, their intervention in the recent peace moves and their role in the May 10, 2008 Eastern Provincial Council election, the first in two decades, has underscored the significance of the Muslim factor in Sri Lankan politics. In fact, the increasing profile of Sri Lankan Muslims has raised certain fundamental questions about the efficacy and durability of any final settlement of the ethnic conflict that may be arrived at.
More than six years after the initiation of Operation Enduring Freedom the Taliban and its affiliates are back, wreaking havoc on the fragile security situation and impeding development activity in Afghanistan. The Taliban-led insurgency is spreading its tentacles to new areas, with the relatively stable north swinging towards instability. This paper takes stock of the deteriorating security situation and singles out the lack of 'unity of effort' as a missing link in the international community's counter-insurgency campaign, contributing to its ineffectiveness in establishing security.
The Indo-Nepal border is an open border, which has facilitated close social, cultural, and economic exchanges and led to a special relationship between the two countries. However, in recent times, the increasing misuse of the borders by terrorists, political activists, anti-social elements, etc. has led to the demand for the closure of the border from the Indian side. The paper posits that a closed border is not beneficial for both the countries as the social and political costs involved in such a border are immense.
The Buddhist Kingdom of Bhutan is in sharp focus now. This is due to two critical factors: Bhutan's assertion of its identity and Beijing's tactics in the Himalayan region. Both factors have had an impact in the ordering of Indo-Bhutanese relations.
Many scholars assume that the European model of Realpolitik will prevail in Asia as the dual rise of China and India reorders regional politics. Others predict that Asia's China-centric tradition of hierarchy will reassert itself. But Indians look as much to 19th century US history as to any European or Asian model. Indeed, successive prime ministers have explicitly cited the Monroe Doctrine to justify intervention in hotspots around the Indian periphery. The Monroe Doctrine, however, underwent several phases during the USA's rise to world power.
The Indian reaction has led to notes of caution by some major countries. China, for instance, has suggested to Nepalese leaders that they should make the Constitution broad based.
The issue of ‘consensus’ that has been at the core of writing a constitution has been eroded through majoritarianism to secure the entrenchment in power of the hill political elites.
The only way to resolve the crisis is to acknowledge Madeshis as genuine citizens of Nepal, whose respect and dignity can be protected by a clear recognition of their rights in the new constitution.
What the country needs is goodwill and support from all stakeholders inside and outside to move the reconciliation process forward and build on the peace, and all at the right pace.
What the country needs is goodwill and support from all stakeholders inside and outside to move the reconciliation process forward and build on the peace, and all at the right pace.
Notwithstanding the UNP victory, Rajapakse and his supporters will continue to wield substantial influence within and outside parliament.
It was almost certain that the United National Front for Good Governance coalition would outperform the United People’s Freedom Alliance in Sri Lanka’s parliamentary elections.
It was not in Pakistan’s interest that the NSA meeting should take place. It is to their credit that they managed to do that by waving a red flag at the Indians through their first briefing on the planned NSA talks by mentioning their invitation to the Hurriyat leaders for a meeting in Delhi prior to the NSA talks.
Chinese stakes in Gilgit Baltistan could propel Pakistan to introduce a stop gap provincial arrangement that would contain popular resistance, promote greater stability, and deflate India’s objections to CPEC.
For the people of Sri Lanka the choice is clear – between de-democratisation represented by Rajapakse and his supporters, and democratisation represented by Sirisena and his political allies.
