Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT)

As long as nuclear weapons determine a nation’s power and capability, India must have no hesitation in strengthening its nuclear capability and learn to ‘live with the bomb’.

• S Sasikumar
• June 15, 2010
• IDSA Comments

The RevCon, after abundant manoeuvring and political one-upmanship, finalised quite ‘consensually’ a much diluted and defeatist document that promises to ensure that disarmament remains a dream.

• A. Vinod Kumar
• June 09, 2010
• Issue Brief

While the United States charges Iran of being in non-compliance with its NPT obligations, Iran points out that the United States and other NPT nuclear weapon states are in non-compliance of Articles IV and VI, among other provisions.

• S. Samuel C. Rajiv
• May 04, 2010
• IDSA Comments

It is unlikely that the Revcon will be able to agree on a credible roadmap for nuclear disarmament although there may be some marginal progress on some issues.

• Arvind Gupta
• April 30, 2010
• IDSA Comments

In a fundamental shift in its position on the global nuclear non-proliferation regime, Pakistan has made it known that it will join the NPT only as a recognised nuclear weapons state.

• Ch. Viyyanna Sastry
• March 08, 2010
• IDSA Comments

The expiry of the Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty-1 (START-1) in 2009 and an urgent need to conclude a new US-Russian agreement on strategic nuclear weapons so that the oldest and biggest nuclear powers demonstrate some progress in implementing Article 6 of the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) in proximity of the 2010 NPT Review Conference has drawn international attention to the interface between the progress/crisis in nuclear disarmament and strengthening/weakening of the NPT regime.

• Alexander Nikitin
• March 2010
• Strategic Analysis

With the 'world without nuclear weapons' speech by President Obama and the other moves, indications are good for the next Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) Review Conference. Progress has to be made on the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT), the proposed fissile materials cut-off treaty (FMCT), Negative Security Assurance (NSA), and reducing the role of nuclear weapons. On the non-proliferation side, the Additional Protocol must be made a standard, the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) strengthened, and NPT withdrawal acted on decisively.

• Nobuyasu Abe
• March 2010
• Strategic Analysis

This article examines the feasibility and advisability of India joining the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT).

• Anupam Srivastava , Seema Gahlaut
• March 2010
• Strategic Analysis

Since its indefinite extension in 1995, the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) has been on the sidelines, with its utility eroding in the post-Cold War security environment, as new instruments took over the anti-proliferation mantle. Being the cornerstone of the regime and near-universal in character, the NPT has nonetheless survived despite a host of challenges threatening its existence. Its future, however, is imperilled unless the member states take remedial actions, including a restructuring of the treaty to suit 21st century requirements.

• A. Vinod Kumar
• March 2010
• Strategic Analysis

In different international bodies and in statements by various world leaders, universalisation and a possible revision of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) are figuring quite frequently. Certainly, in the emerging context for universalisation, the relationship between India and the NPT may be reviewed. Several relevant options are emerging to define the relationship between India and the NPT. This has put the relationship between India and the NPT in the international limelight.

• Rajiv Nayan
• March 2010
• Strategic Analysis