Jagannath P. Panda replies: The current China-India multilateral politics shapes the auxiliary evolution of regional vis-à-vis global political relations, standing as both cause and effect in their relationship course. One variable that shapes the China-India bilateral relationship is “resource politics”, mainly energy- be it gas or oil- or even the economic richness of a region. No matter how resonant economically China or India individually are, the current facets of both regional and global politics suggest that there is always potential for interstate contention for resources. In the case of China and India, the strategic quest for energy security in Asia and beyond has influenced their foreign policy construct and design. Both are trying to explore new modes and mediums for cooperation and competition in the field of energy resource. Therefore, the future of India-China cooperation in the field of energy will largely depend upon their foreign policy contours and related power politics.

The recent MoU between the ONGC and CNPC to jointly explore oil and gas is certainly a welcome step in Sino-Indian Relations. It points towards the cooperative drive between China and India on various micro-economic issues linked to their developmental discourse. In fact, both the ONGC and CNPC have worked closely on previous occasions in Sudan, Syria and Myanmar. In most of these places, the CNPC was the leading partner of the ONGC (Videsh), and the latter seems to have gathered more experience in joint oil explorations after working with a competitive body like the CNPC. However, the ONGC has also lost few competitive bids to the CNPC previously. Besides, the CNPC is a much wealthier and an influential oil exploring company at the global level. It would always like to have its own space and autonomy, even though it has shown interest in conducting joint explorations with non-Chinese companies. Hence, the ONGC must be vigilant about the activities of the CNPC while carrying out any joint exploration projects, since the Chinese government heavily backs the agenda and activities of the CNPC.

Anit Mukherjee replies: Soft power is a desirable trait in international relations but is of limited utility in times of war. And, if the organising principle of international relations is the state of anarchy between nations, then soft power reveals to be not that powerful after all. At the same time, soft power does have a certain diplomatic appeal - it helps to win friends and convince people. Also in the field of public diplomacy, soft power is pretty useful in shaping perceptions. Hence, for instance, India's soft power is the Bollywood film industry which is popular in large parts of Asia and Africa.

The second part of the question is unanswerable. Losing out in what way? China is doing all it can to further its national interests- economic and strategic. India too is doing the same- both in Africa and in its immediate neighborhood. Unless one defines 'losing out' in more precise terms, this question- unfortunately- cannot be answered.

S.S. Parmar replies: Threat perceptions are normally based on capabilities and perceived intentions in an area of common interest. The same would apply in the case of China in the Indian Ocean, which apparently appears to be the theme of the question. China’s entry into the Indian Ocean is presently based on economic engagements and ensuring safety of their maritime trade, especially oil, that traverses the Sea Lanes of Communication (SLOCs). In order to ensure security of these interests, the presence of the PLAN is normative.

To be perceived as a threat, a Navy must have the ability of firstly presence in adequate numbers and secondly sustained supportable operations. The first aspect requires a good mix of combat ability in all three dimensions – air, surface and sub surface. The Chinese Navy has a big disadvantage in the air dimension, primarily the lack of ship based air cover, and the land based maritime reconnaissance capability due to the distance involved. An aircraft carrier could provide this air cover but it would be restricted in time and space. The second aspect of sustenance of operations would be driven by the number of bases available for resupply and maintenance. Air operations and support from friendly foreign bases is a possibility but nations permitting this type of support would weigh the pros and cons in terms of international pressure, and the aspect of neutrality in the event of a conflict.

India on the other hand has the advantage over China in the Indian Ocean as the proximity of bases and operations over distances in the region are part of its normal operating philosophy, thereby permitting it to be present in adequate numbers. Therefore, presently, the Chinese Navy is not considered a cogent threat.

The aspects covered above permits India to monitor the SLOCs in the Indian Ocean so as to ensure a secure maritime environment. As India believes in and supports the aspect of freedom of navigation in the seas, it would under normal circumstances not like to be viewed as an impediment in another nation’s maritime trade. However, in the event of a conflict, it would have the advantage of monitoring and interdicting Chinese trade traversing the SLOCs in the Indian Ocean.