India-China Relations

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  • Sino-Indian Trade: Smoothening the Rough Edges

    The composition of the Indian delegation to the ongoing Strategic Economic Dialogue is suggestive that issues such as telecom, water, infrastructural development and railways are being discussed on a priority basis.

    September 27, 2011

    Diversion of the Brahmaputra: Myth or Reality?

    Lower riparian countries must develop sound strategies to bring China to the negotiating table with a view to stopping it from further damming or diverting the waters of the Brahmaputra or any other river originating in Tibet and flowing into South Asia.

    August 09, 2011

    An Ocean at The Intersection of Two Emerging Maritime Narratives

    This issue brief delves into the pragmatic motivations undergirding India and China’s “will to the sea”, before examining on a more conceptual level how New Delhi and Beijing have drawn on the old in order to buttress the new, most notably through the crafting of two maritime narratives.

    July 11, 2011

    Is India’s Transport Infrastructure Prepared for the Eastern Front?

    It is imperative that the transport connectivity in the Northeast be strengthened by the establishment of railway networks in the hinterland, by the timely construction of roads that extend to the borders, and by expediting the construction of bridges.

    June 15, 2011

    China’s Calibrated Response to Osama bin Laden’s Killing

    China’s response to the killing of Osama bin Laden has been cautious and marked by a degree of nuance given potential changes in US ties with Pakistan and India.

    May 13, 2011

    Neeraj Kapoor asked: Why India doesn't pressurise China to take back AKSAI-CHIN region occupied by them in LADAKH?

    R. N. Das replies: This question raises the larger issue of settlement of border dispute between the two countries. There have been sincere efforts to resolve the border issue, and so far there have been 14 rounds of border talks to solve the long-pending border dispute. The special representatives of both the countries have been appointed by the two countries to examine the entire gamut of border dispute so as to find an amicable settlement of the border dispute. Besides, agreements have also been signed between the two countries in this regard, for example, the agreement signed in 1993, affirms the view that the India-China boundary question shall be resolved through peaceful and friendly consultation, and that neither side shall use or threaten to use force against the other by any means. Yet another important highlight of the agreement was that it stipulated ‘pending and ultimate solution of the boundary question between the two countries, the two sided shall strictly observe the line of actual control between the two sides, and that no activities of either side shall overstep the line of actual control. Clause 7 of the 2005 agreement on ‘Political parameters and guidelines for the settlement of the India-China boundary question’ stipulated that in reaching a boundary settlement; the two sides shall safeguard the due interests of their settled population in the border areas. Thus the question has to take into account the entire border dispute into consideration.

    Relevance of an East China Sea dispute to India

    China’s conduct on the Chunxiao issue indicates that it may go ahead with plans regardless of a pending dispute when a vital strategic goal has to be achieved.

    March 24, 2011

    India and the Pakistan-China Nexus in Gilgit-Baltistan

    China’s intensified engagement in the region, encompassing reconstruction and development, suggests a subtle move to alter the security situation.

    March 16, 2011

    The India–China Nuclear Relationship

    The India–China nuclear-strategic relationship has been surprisingly under studied, given the rising interest in the strategic interaction between the two countries. 1 Part of the reason is that India's nuclear capabilities have been relatively limited vis-à-vis China, though this is exaggerated by the tendency among Indian analysts to focus on the need to target Beijing. There is no evident reason why China should not be deterred by the targeting of other cities that are closer to India.

    March 2011

    J. Singh asked: Which country is valuable for India if we are in war with China and why?

    R. N. Das replies: Envisioning a war or a war-like situation with China, even though the two countries fought a war in 1962, and though there have been tensions and instances of border-incursions from time to time, is a hypothetical position. In fact, there was almost a war-like situation in 1986 in Sumdorong Chu incident, but it didn’t precipitate into a war. For about 48 years now, the situation across the Sino-Indian border has not been allowed to precipitate to the brink of a war. Both India and China have claimed peace and tranquility across the line of actual control in the border. There have also been a number of Confidence Building Measures (CBMs) in various agreements signed between India and China, such as in 1993, 1996 and 2005, to meet any kind of situation and these CBMs have been working reasonably well. Besides, there have been meetings between the special representatives of the two countries to address the border issue, and there has been considerable progress in these meetings. There has also been constant engagement between leaders of the two countries, both bilaterally and multi-laterally. A hot line telephone connection is also being put in place to enable contact at highest political level. These engagements attempt to obviate any kind of acrimonious situations between the two countries, and minimizes the chances of a war breaking out between the two countries.

    In spite of all these CBMs, there is no laxity in defence preparedness to face any kind of challenge to India’s territorial integrity, security, and sovereignty from any quarter, including China. In addition, India’s diplomatic and strategic engagement with global powers has been strengthened to meet challenges to regional stability and India’s security and sovereignty. India today is not the India of 1960s, and has sufficient self-confidence and wherewithal to deal with any threat to its security on it’s own.

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