The Centre tracks relations between India and the countries of North America. US and Canadian internal developments are also monitored to have a better understanding of their role as drivers of foreign and domestic policies. The large Indian diaspora in these two countries also serves as a bridge for strengthening bilateral relations.
The Centre also actively tracks and analyses trends in strategic technologies, with principal focus on critical technologies and their implications for national security. It addresses evolving threats in space security and cyber security, ensuring comprehensive research into these critical domains. The other mandate of the Centre is to undertake research on Biological and Chemical Weapons with a focus on studying the dangers of proliferation and terrorism.
No posts of Books and Monograph.
Nanoscience and Nanotechnology (NT) are emerging fields of science and technology that are witnessing the emergence of an increasing number of new ideas and applications. Many states are seriously looking at military applications of this technology. This paper analyses the impact of NT on defence and looks at its current and futuristic applicability for military purposes, as well as their likely impact on arms control.
So far the Chinese have carried out ten nuclear tests which include one underground test, one test of a nuclear-tipped missile and three thermo-nuclear tests. In other words, the Chinese are on a comprehensive weapons programme, which will give them thermo-nuclear warheads from the megaton range down to small yield nuclear weapons of a few kiloton range and even fractional kiloton range. They are now engaged in improving the compactness of their warheads.
India's missile defence explorations had long been hindered by its limited access to advanced interception technologies and slow pace of indigenization. India is now developing lower- and upper-tier systems for air and missile defence applications, while also aspiring for longer range exoatmospheric interception capability. However, considering that India's requirements are skewed towards lower tier threats, it is prudent to have an all-inclusive architecture that can meet all realistic threats (including air-breathing), with limited financial and political implications.
As part of its peaceful rise strategy, China has made resolute investments in the field of science and technology. One major aspect of this technological quest has been its investments in space technologies. China's success in this field is remarkable and has brought glory to the nation. However, at the same time, the anti-satellite test (ASAT) undertaken by China, during January 2007, has raised the fears of the weaponization of space.
One important feature of China's outer space policy is to carry out cooperation with all countries. In the cooperation, China pays great attention to the rights and demands of developing countries in the high-technology area. With more actors in outer space, it is necessary and urgent to improve the existing legal system regulating the relations of countries and non-state actors. China's attitude to outer space activities is driven by both domestic and international elements. Development, defence, and technological innovation are the three major goals of China's outer space programmes.
North Korea has blatantly breached the chemical weapons ‘red line’ in the killing of the half-brother of Kim Jong-un in Kuala Lumpur on February 13.
In view of China’s adverse reaction to India’s missile testing, this year’s Republic Day parade could have been used for strategic signalling to arrogant entities questioning India’s ‘strategic autonomy’. Nuclear deterrence is also about demonstration and display of capabilities. If you have it, then flaunt it!
India must move away from the perspective which it has allowed to dominate, namely, that the application of supercomputers is more important than supercomputer technologies themselves.
Given that the NSG may not be able to withhold the India membership question for long, in spite of China’s inconsistent positions, it would be unwise on India’s part to forfeit any advantage it has on the SCS issue.
For India, at this point in time, ISRO developing expertise with multiple launch technology is more important from the commercial perspective.
While the intent exists to forge a strong partnership on cyberspace issues, there is much groundwork to be done to actually build trust and move forward together.
While the China-US Cyber agreement is an attempt at conflict management or risk mitigation, the India-US Cyber agreement is a joint quest for security driven by a common threat perception, democratic values and growing dependence.
At present, the entire debate on ‘right to be forgotten’ is mainly focused on individual freedom and individual rights. However, it is important to look at this issue from a security angle too.
The cyber-attack on the election commission of The Philippines demonstrates the need for democracies to have a strong cyber security mechanism in place for the smooth conduct of elections.
It is time India devised a cohesive national policy to guard its interests in space and effectively address existing and emerging challenges.
