Africa, Latin America, Caribbean & UN
About Centre
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The Centre’s research focus includes understanding developments in the African region and analysing various hotspots like Egypt, Libya, Nigeria, Somalia, Sudan, and the Indian Ocean Region. It also focuses on bilateral, regional and multilateral engagements between India and the countries of Africa. The Centre also endeavours to analyse India’s engagement with Latin American countries, particularly in forums such as IBSA, BRICS, etc. In addition, the Centre carries out research on the broader theme of India and the United Nations. It deals with important topics that come up in the Security Council and those that hold relevance and significance for India’s foreign policy.
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Strategic Analysis, Volume 44, Issue 5 (2020)
Strategic Analysis, Volume 44, Issue 5 (2020)
With approximately 74 million Sq Km and 20per cent of the global ocean, the Indian Ocean is the third largest ocean in the world. Alarmingly, this area has over the last two decades been plagued with unprecedented grave maritime security challenges. Dauntingly, these problems are dynamic and cross-jurisdictional. Consequently, combating them necessitates combined efforts among states. This article explores the efficacy of the maritime security architecture within the Indian Ocean rim countries, focusing on the co-operation between India and African states.
Although Iran and the Latin American states appear to be unlikely allies when considering the vast distances and the religious, cultural and demographic differences between these regions, their shared experience of Washington’s hegemonistic designs have brought them closer. Washington’s failure to isolate Tehran has meant that the Islamic Republic, and Hezbollah, have prioritised relationship-building with states that are at the doorstep of the US. Although this has antagonised the US, Washington has only offered a weak reaction to the economic and geopolitical advances made by Iran.
The United Nations (UN) adopted UN Peacekeeping, during its initial years, to restore international peace and security. As the world body celebrated 70 years of its existence in 2015, UN Peacekeeping continues to play an important role in maintaining peace and security, by protecting civilians and preventing human rights violations arising from violence and conflict. India has emerged as one of the frontrunners in the shared responsibility of ushering in peace and stability in the world, under the umbrella of the UN.
China's Belt & Road Initiative (B&RI), also known as One-Belt-One-Road (OBOR), depends for its success on a tacit alliance with Britain and the financial acumen of the City of London. The London-Beijing axis has likely gathered momentum with Britain's decision to quit the European Union (EU) in June 2016 and Prime Minister Theresa May's triggering Article 50 of the Lisbon Treaty in March 2017, to begin the divorce process.
The pirates of Somalia constitute one one of the greatest threats to maritime security in modern time.Their operations started amidst the political instability, economic crisis and state collapse that characterised the fall of the Siad Barre regime in Somalia in 1991.
This article analyses the history of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) reform with a particular focus on India’s aspiration and attempts to become a permanent member on the Council. The primary objectives of this historical examination are to appreciate how hard reforming the UNSC is and to understand how challenging it will be for India to acquire a permanent seat on the Council. Probing the General Assembly debates on UNSC reform, the article exposes the fundamental hurdles to change, the duplicity of the permanent five (P-5) and lack of unity among the stakeholders.
South Africa arguably stands well above its regional counterparts in terms of soft power resources. This is not entirely unconnected with the uncalculated attempts by non-state actors to extend the reach of the country’s soft power status across the world. This article probes the contributions of the informal drivers of South Africa’s soft power. These ‘soft powered’ institutions and individuals (with no definite state affiliation) are critical contributors to South Africa’s soft power diplomacy.
The UN should shift towards more traditional and narrowly focused peacekeeping missions and maintain a clearer and more distinct role as a neutral mediator in conflicts.
