It would have been difficult to visualise the current scenario in Sino-Indian relations just before COVID-19 overtook the world narrative. This was considering the immense political capital poured into the relationship by the Indian government, first at Wuhan in 2017 and then in Mamallapuram in 2019. It might be argued by some that the Doklam incident of 2017 should have been enough for India to wake up and smell the coffee.
Abhay Kumar Singh replies: In general, domain awareness and situational awareness both grasp very similar activities which is “knowing what is going on around us”. However, they have slightly different connotations and are not synonymous.
Considering the wide expanse to be covered on both sides of the Indian Peninsula, and the possibility of concurrent operations on either side, it is imperative that India maintains an operational carrier battle group on both sides, and at all times.
With approximately 74 million Sq Km and 20per cent of the global ocean, the Indian Ocean is the third largest ocean in the world. Alarmingly, this area has over the last two decades been plagued with unprecedented grave maritime security challenges. Dauntingly, these problems are dynamic and cross-jurisdictional. Consequently, combating them necessitates combined efforts among states. This article explores the efficacy of the maritime security architecture within the Indian Ocean rim countries, focusing on the co-operation between India and African states.
Africa has an extensive and strategically located maritime space. This domain is vital for various reasons, including its abundance of economic resources and as a conduit for trade. Unfortunately, the potential of the African maritime space is being undermined by persistent, multifaceted and fluid domestic, regional and international threats and vulnerabilities. To tackle this, littoral African states have entered into various collaborative engagements at international and inter-agency level. The success of these arrangements is in turn greatly hampered by various practical challenges, including mistrust, diversity, ‘silo approach’ and lack of identified common Afro-centric security priorities and protocols. An urgent need for a functional collaborative engagement emerges as vital for a sustainable blue economy in Africa.
Sarabjeet Singh Parmar replies:If by the term ‘integrated maritime policy’ the question implies a single document that covers all aspects of security, safety, energy, economics, etc. pertaining to the maritime domain then the answer is no. However, different policy/strategy documents and initiatives that cover these aspects do exist and are very much available in public domain. One such strategy document and two such initiatives undertaken are as follows:
The revival of the centuries-old ‘Silk Road at Sea’ into a 21st Century Maritime Silk Road (MSR) is an integral part of China’s ambitious Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The Chinese White Paper on its vision for enhancing maritime cooperation broadly confirms this perception, since it considers maritime security assurance as the lynchpin of MSR initiatives. As its trade and overseas economic interests have been constantly growing, Beijing’s strategic concern about protection of these interests has magnified.
The article argues that India and the United States are poised to strengthen their bilateral strategic convergences, not only in the Indian Ocean but also in Pacific-Asia that lies eastwards of the Malacca Straits, and wherein India’s geo-strategic stakes as well as its military-strategic footprint are likely to increase in the coming years. This would progressively enhance the complementarities between their navies in the western Pacific and its contiguous seas, thereby enabling substantive naval cooperation towards ensuring security and stability in the broader Indo-Pacific region.
