India-Pakistan Relations

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  • Restructuring the Dialogue Process with Pakistan

    The India-Pakistan dialogue could be restructured in a way that allows them to engage each other in a formal but unstructured strategic political dialogue which focuses beyond immediate disputes and problems.

    July 15, 2010

    With Reference to the Context: Militancy in Jammu and Kashmir and the India-Pakistan Dialogue

    A survey of media reports in newspapers based in Jammu and Kashmir for 2010 reveals that although violence levels are down there are multiple levels at which militancy affects the state.

    July 14, 2010

    Jammu and Kashmir: Governance is the key

    The survey in J&K and ‘Azad Kashmir’ indicates that people consider unemployment as a major problem, followed by corruption, poor economic development and human rights abuses.

    July 07, 2010

    An additional dish for the India-Pakistan platter

    A strategic dialogue mechanism with Pakistan at the level of NSAs, assisted by representatives of the national security establishment including the military on both sides, needs to be initiated to address core questions like the strategic balance and reconciling strategic doctrines.

    July 05, 2010

    Varon B K Sharma asked: What purpose was served by Home Minister P Chidambram going to Pakistan?

    Ashok Behuria replies: Indian Home Minister Mr. P. Chidambaram visited Pakistan (on 26 June 2010) primarily to attend the SAARC Home Ministers’ meet in Islamabad. This meeting concluded with a joint resolution for cooperation against terrorism in the region. It called for early adoption of the United Nations’ Comprehensive Convention on International Terrorism, an initiative that is being pursued actively by India at the moment. Moreover, there was also a "commitment" to implement the SAARC Regional Convention on Suppression of Terrorism and its Additional Protocol and a joint expression of resolve to ratify the SAARC Convention on Mutual Assistance in Criminal Matters. There is a provision for extradition in this convention and if Pakistan ratifies this, it will be obliged to cooperate with India on various issues relating to terrorism. Pakistan’s Prime Minister, Mr. Gilani, has, in the meanwhile, asked Interior Minister Malik to implement the declaration in letter and spirit. This is thus a positive development. However, it remains to be seen whether the Pakistan military will allow it.

    Chidambaram's meeting with his counterpart in Pakistan, Mr. Rehman Malik on the sidelines has drawn mixed response. Primarily aimed at addressing the issue of trust deficit, on the face of it the meeting may not have made much difference to the prevailing atmosphere in which efforts are being made to restart bilateral talks. The Pakistani media called it a 'delicate diplomatic dance' and many in India were angered by Malik's statement that Pakistan cannot stop Hafiz Muhammad Saeed from delivering his hate-speeches.

    This only suggests the continuing disinclination of the Pakistani military to take action against jihadist elements operating on Pakistani soil against India and the incapacity of the civilian government to take any positive step to address Indian concerns. The argument driving India’s approach is that Pakistan has to be engaged in spite of all this because disengagement has not served the purpose. Such diplomatic engagement can go hand in hand with (and without lowering our guard on) India’s efforts to strengthen its security machinery to counter the asymmetric threats emanating from across the border.

    Pakistani Nuclear Use and Implications for India

    The robustness of India's nuclear doctrine would face a severe challenge in the case of conventional military offensives into Pakistan in a future Indo-Pak conflict. Such offensives are possible in case Pakistan's nuclear threshold is taken as high and its doctrine one of 'last resort'. However, Pakistani nuclear use options may include lower order nuclear use. In light of this, it recommends that India take a serious look at the Limited War concept as well as revise its nuclear doctrine to 'flexible nuclear retaliation'.

    July 2010

    ‘Aman Ki Asha’ in Pakistani Media: Requiem for a Peace Process?

    The peace process between India and Pakistan came to an abrupt halt with the Mumbai attacks on November 26, 2008 (26/11). Ironically, the attacks were carried out by Pakistani terrorists minutes after the foreign ministers of both countries met in New Delhi and pledged to take the composite dialogue process forward. Ever since, Pakistan's unwillingness to bring the perpetrators of the Mumbai attacks to justice has come in the way of resumption of the composite dialogue. There have been many false starts, but the process continues to be in a state of suspended animation.

    July 2010

    Water a Pre-eminent Political Issue between India and Pakistan

    Like in the 1950s, the word ‘riparian’ is back again in the India–Pakistan lexicon, becoming this time intensely political, emotional and divisive. This development is both instructive and unsettling. It is instructive to note how the current water realties of the two countries, which have changed significantly since the Indus Water Treaty (IWT) in 1960, will now determine the treaty's future. With growing populations, inadequate water management techniques and the impact of global warming, water resources are under pressure.

    July 2010

    India-Pakistan Relations: Need to proceed with caution

    Because the Pakistan Army appears to be gearing itself up for large-scale counter-terrorism operations in Punjab and parts of Sindh, India is being engaged diplomatically even as attempts are afoot to bring the situation in Kashmir to a boil.

    June 30, 2010

    Indo Pak Rapprochement: Unexplored Option of Military to Military Engagement

    A military to military engagement between India and Pakistan could help pave the way for greater understanding and opening up in the troubled relationship.

    June 25, 2010

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