Shared security interests and Turkiye’s growing indigenous capabilities will likely ensure that the Pakistan–Turkiye defence cooperation continues on its upward trajectory.
Pakistan has not allowed a genuine democratic system of governance to emerge in PoK, as it interferes with its pursuit of absolute control over the occupied territories.
US–Pakistan relations have witnessed upheavals in the past; the US’ exit from Afghanistan is the latest in the series of inflection points in their relationship. However, irrespective of the escalatory war of words sometimes, the nature of US–Pakistan relationship of convenience is likely to keep them strategically aligned in the future as well.
Nuclear force development is at present an attractive means for Pakistan to attract international political and financial assistance, while salving the paranoias of its security establishment. Improvement in the state-society relationship could reduce the domestic appeal of endless nuclear expansion as other, more sustainable, resources become available to the state for building economic growth and security.
If India-Pakistan dialogue does resume, India is unlikely to return to the Manmohan-Musharraf framework of negotiations because of the Modi government’s commitment to regain Pakistan-occupied Jammu and Kashmir.
The US factor remained a quintessential element in the 2024 Pakistan elections, given the Pakistan diaspora, the US Congress’ Pakistan Caucus and the PTI pressure groups.
The three list categorisation of the Financial Action Task Force (FATF)—white, grey, and black—has been largely ineffective when dealing with jurisdictions like Pakistan. There need to be more gradations between the grey and blacklists as it may increase policy options and leverage.
Nawaz Sharif's statements on forging 'good ties' with India after his return to Pakistan are unlikely to translate to any meaningful forward movement in bilateral ties.
